http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-na-unions22-2009feb22,0,322071.story
From the Los Angeles Times
Labor's time has come, but trouble stirs within
With a labor-friendly administration in Washington, 
labor's long-sought legislative goals are finally in reach. But union divisions 
threaten to derail that agenda.
By Evelyn Larrubia
February 22, 
2009
With a Democratic majority in Congress, an economy in meltdown and 
what many see as the most labor-friendly White House in generations, unions 
would seem to be poised for a comeback. Experts say they are at a defining 
moment to rebuild their forces by putting their strength behind an effort to 
revamp labor laws. 
So why are some of the most prominent and progressive 
labor leaders spending time and energy fighting one another for workers who are 
already members? Will they squander their big chance?
"No question about 
it. That's what's at stake," said Marshall Ganz, a legendary community organizer 
and lecturer at Harvard University. "This is not a setting in which you want to 
have a Hatfield-and-McCoy struggle on."
As political institutions, labor 
unions are no strangers to controversy. But the current level of conflict is 
unusual, Ganz and others said, as is the public forum that it has been 
taking.
The leaders of Unite Here and representatives of its affiliates 
recently filed a series of lawsuits against each other, laced with complaints of 
fraud and theft, making public what had been an internal clash over power and 
organizing methods at the garment, hotel and laundry workers union. 
The 
laundry and garment representatives, led by Unite Here General President Bruce 
Raynor, accuse hotel worker representatives of failing to increase membership 
and squandering the savings they brought into the union through a 2004 merger. 
Citing irreconcilable differences, Raynor wants a divorce. 
"We tried to 
resolve it quietly," he said, "but we couldn't."
The hotel 
representatives, led by Unite Here's hospitality president, John Wilhelm, accuse 
their rivals of sabotaging democracy by conducting mass firings of union 
officials at locals in Detroit and Phoenix and by filing a lawsuit after the 
union's executive board voted against a breakup.
The dispute comes on the 
heels of last month's public skirmishes between the giant Service Employees 
International Union and its 150,000-member Oakland-based local, United 
Healthcare Workers-West. SEIU removed UHW leaders after they had refused to give 
up their home health aides to a new local. 
The ousted officers, led by 
former UHW President Sal Rosselli, formed National Union of Healthcare Workers 
and began a massive campaign to court UHW members. More than a hundred SEIU 
staffers from around the country have descended on California to keep the UHW 
members and take over running the local. The fight made national news.
By 
at least one measure, the two fights are connected: SEIU President Andrew Stern 
has invited one or both sides of Unite Here to be absorbed into his 
2-million-member international union.
"It's ugly," acknowledged Lowell 
Turner, a professor of comparative labor at Cornell University. But he said it 
might stand to reason that unions at the forefront of re-energizing the labor 
movement would find themselves in deep disputes over how exactly to do 
it.
"The timing is related to the fact that the unions are pushing much 
harder now to organize workers and pushing much harder politically now," Turner 
said.
Unite Here was formed when Unite, a union with lots of cash but 
facing a dwindling garment industry, merged with Here, a union with lots of 
hotel and food service prospects, but little cash.
Unite Here and SEIU 
are among a bloc of unions that formed Change to Win in 2005 and broke away from 
the AFL-CIO, saying they wanted to aggressively expand membership. Since the 
split, both groups have stepped up their organizing efforts, experts 
said.
In the last two years, unions nationwide have seen an increase in 
membership. In 2008, their ranks rose by 428,000 workers, the largest gain since 
the Bureau of Labor Statistics began keeping track in 1983 -- which underscores 
how bad things had been rather than how good they have become. 
In the 
1950s, about 35% of U.S. workers were unionized. Last year, it was 12.4% 
overall, with only 7% in the public sector.
Labor experts say there 
hasn't been a particularly union-friendly president in the White House since 
John F. Kennedy. Until now.
"I do not view the labor movement as part of 
the problem," President Obama said last month. "To me, it's part of the 
solution."
Labor advocates point to signs large and small of Obama's 
labor leanings: the buy-American provisions in the stimulus package; his public 
support of sit-down strikers; his choice of Rep. Hilda L. Solis (D-El Monte) as 
Labor secretary, who has yet to be confirmed by a divided Senate. When the 
president meets with labor leaders, he's been known to open up his jacket to 
show its union-made label -- and to threaten to check theirs.
Obama, as 
the junior senator from Illinois, was one of 233 congressional legislators who 
sponsored the Employee Free Choice Act of 2007. It is labor's dream bill to make 
it easier for workers to unionize and get a first contract, and to stiffen 
penalties for employers who threaten, fire or harass employees during union 
drives. They say it will balance power in the workplace. 
Labor spent an 
estimated $450 million to help Obama get elected, with the hope of passing the 
legislation. He has vowed to sign it. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce is leading an 
aggressive campaign to stop it from reaching his desk.
"They can't expect 
the president of the United States to encourage unionization when those that are 
unionized are fighting wars against each other," said Rose Ann DeMoro, executive 
director of the California Nurses Assn., which is in its own long-running fight 
with SEIU. "It's embarrassing to put that in front of Obama."
Several of 
the feuding union leaders agree this is a bad time for negative press, but say 
their issues are too deep to put aside. Whether the battles will torpedo their 
legislative goals, or merely be a sideshow, remains to be seen.
"It's a 
black eye," said Nelson Lichtenstein, a labor historian at UC Berkeley. But he 
added that he thought it could be overcome: "The labor movement has a lot of 
ideological and political resources at their command right now."
The 
White House declined to comment on the matter.
Stern, the SEIU president, 
said he met with Obama and 27 senators last week, and that no one indicated that 
the union's internal conflicts were causing a problem. He sees the media 
attention as a sign that labor's prominence is finally increasing, he 
said.
"For a long time, the labor movement couldn't buy a newspaper story 
about anything, unless it was a strike," Stern said. "Now people are covering 
our internal politics. Part of me thinks that we're testing the theory that 
there's no bad publicity," he said. 
evelyn.larrubia@latimes.com